Adaptive Management in the Maya Forest
Partnership at El Pilar BRASS/El Pilar Program ISBER/MesoAmerican Research Center University of California Santa Barbara In the Shade of the Maya ForestBeneath the lush canopy of the Maya forest, the Maya Center of El Pilar prospered for 1,700 years, reaching its zenith around the year AD 700. Over the course of centuries, since as early as 700 B.C., the center gradually grew to become the primary administrative center in the Belize River area, replete with sweeping plazas and tall temples. This ancient Maya city has been the subject of a long-term investigation by the BRASS/El Pilar Program. As a model of a just and lasting partnership, El Pilar is also important for the alliance among the constituents of government authority, community participation, and academic research. This symbol still needs nourishment and support. This year’s report focuses on the achievements of the project, the research potentials of the archaeology, and the challenges that lie ahead. Studies reveal that the Maya population density during the Maya Classic Period was from three to nine-times the region’s current level. Yet, today, the Maya forest stands as an enduring monument to the resourcefulness of the Maya. Although it withstood millennia of Maya occupation, today the Maya forest is at risk. Regional, local, and site-specific areas of concentration in the Maya forest The Maya forest is ranked second of 25 resources at risk by Conservation International, an internationally known non-profit organization. Contemporary political lines cut the regional forest landscape: new roads slice through the forest, paving the way for human migration into the world’s last terrestrial frontier, and political boundaries overlay ancient monuments. This is the context of the shared heritage of El Pilar. In this respect, El Pilar is as a model and the program a vision for open communication for all that own their future. A path of collaborative conservation was embarked upon in 1992 in order to protect the natural and cultural resources at El Pilar. The El Pilar Archaeological Reserve for Maya Flora and Fauna in Belize and the Monumento Cultural El Pilar para la Flora y Fauna Mayas in Guatemala were established by the respective governments to safeguard the shared resources at El Pilar. Integral to the protection of El Pilar was the explicit participation of the community in the planning for El Pilar. Along with research and education on ancient Maya land use, the innovative, cross-border, inclusive management process was designed collectively with government, community and experts with the aim to build a lasting and effective base for the conservation of the Maya Forest. Expanding Networks ~ Connecting Communities to ConservationInvestigations at El Pilar form the essential foundation of the promotion of El Pilar as a new protected area in Belize. From the outset, the BRASS/El Pilar Program, along with the Government of Belize’s Department of Archaeology, was concerned that the developments at El Pilar translate into real opportunities for surrounding communities such as Bullet Tree Falls. An expanding network of collaborators connected AdEP and the El Pilar Program to the tourist world. Coordinating with the non-government organization Help for Progress has promoted the wider partnership base with a focus on the potentials for the rural sector to participate and benefit from ecological-archaeological tourism. As El Pilar began to feature more prominently in the tourist world, Amigos de El Pilar and the BRASS/El Pilar Program inaugurated an annual Fiesta El Pilar to encourage revival of local culture and Maya history and visitors to the site. The transformation of the Fiesta El Pilar into a local venue was demonstrated this year. Management needs have continued to be a concern of the BRASS/El Pilar Program, and the program continues to provide for two additional caretakers to maintain the grounds and maintain the network of trails that incorporated the site’s various ecological zones and Maya monuments. This season the program resulted in the publication of the first trail guide to the site’s six formal trials that incorporate the residential sector, highlighting the excavations and consolidations at the Tzunu’un Maya house and forest garden, the public plazas, featuring the information posts at Plaza Copal, and the restricted areas of the north with the consolidated rooms of Jobo. This guide was first distributed in photocopy version in 1995, it was part of the program materials for the 1997 Mesa Redonda Mexico, and the text was included in the 2000 field report to the Depart of Archaeology. The final publication is an important facet of the planning process and is designed not only as a guide to the special resources at el Pilar, but also as a promotion of the partnership philosophy of conservation that the El Pilar model represents (Appendix I). In addition, as for each year, the program continues its training local guides to work at the site. This year we sponsored a full day workshop attended by 7 guides, each with specific interests that represent the varied tourism potentials of El Pilar. All were enthused with the new guide book and brought their specific knowledge to the workshop discussions (Appendix II & III). We included a picnic lunch prepared by Amigos de El Pilar that was appreciated by all the participants. We were able to introduce the guides to the Be Pukte, the Masewal Forest Garden maintained by Heriberto Cocom, and to the main features of El Pilar. We also began a education outreach program. This included lectures and tours with the local primary school children and teachers, promotion of local arts and crafts with the primary school students, forest garden education with Heriberto Cocom, and a collaboration with Sacred Heart Junior College. For a number of years we have offered special volunteer programs during the field season. This year we launched a lecture program linked together with the effort to develop a local ecological archaeology concept that would promote a new conservation and tourism for the Cayo area. Coordinated with Help for Progress, this innovative program was detailed for the Fall semester.
Historical Roots ~ A Creative PartnershipThe recognition of the community role in the conservation of cultural and natural resources was a significant foundation of the El Pilar model. From the outset, with the support of the local area representative in 1993, the community participation was wholly endorsed. When the BTIA worked to define the El Pilar Archaeological Reserve, Commissioner Topsey of the Department of Archaeology was an outspoken collaborator and with his support, the concept of the reserve became a reality. Later, with the strong support of Commissioner John Morris, the 1996 binational workshop called the “Encuentro El Pilar” moved the international component of the vision forward. Recognizing that the local communities are their constituents and are implicitly, if not explicitly, managers of cultural and natural resources, representatives from Belize and Guatemala pledged support of the ideals of collaboration and partnership. Jointly, it was agreed to develop parallel management schemes for the administration of El Pilar, incorporating an innovative management partnership with local communities. Through the initiative of the El Pilar Program and Around El Pilar AdEP, local communities have been gaining awareness of El Pilar and the opportunities it presents for local development. AdEP sponsored events such as local workshops, BBQ’s, an essay contest, the Fiesta El Pilar, and community outreach have integrated people into efforts surrounding El Pilar. To increase the effectiveness of the El Pilar Program and AdEP and to advance their goals within the community, Help for Progress (HfP), a NGO committed to improving rural life in the Maya Forest, was enlisted by the BRASS/ El Pilar Program to work with AdEP in 1998. In respect to reserve management, regional program advocates were formally incorporated into the El Pilar Program as well. In Belize, Anselmo Castaneda, a conservationist with an agronomy background, focuses on local and regional environmental issues. In Guatemala, José Antonio Montes, an international attorney, concentrates on legal and political processes. These bodies constitute an important element of the El Pilar institutional framework (Appendix I). Official development of contiguous reserves at El Pilar was the highlight of 1998. In Belize, Statutory Instrument was signed into law by Minister Henry Young of the Ministry of Tourism and the Environment, officially protecting El Pilar. In Guatemala, the Monumento Cultural El Pilar was declared as a protected area within the Reserva de la Biosfera Maya by Consejo Nacional de Areas Protegidas, the government agency that oversees the Maya Biosphere Reserve and El Pilar. The cross-border aspect of the El Pilar archaeological reserves is unique in the region. Now that both the governments of Belize and Guatemala recognize El Pilar as two contiguous areas protecting one cultural resource in two countries, the next step would be to develop a strategy for managing the reserves. To work out this point, The BRASS/ El Pilar Program organized a second Mesa Redonda El Pilar (MRII). Held in Placencia, Stann Creek, Belize in 1998, the MRII brought together the growing network to further the unique program of research and development at El Pilar. The MRII provided government counterparts in cultural and natural resources with a forum in which they could work together proactively. Participants drafted a management plan for El Pilar that included short and long-term goals related to law, community participation, and tourism. A gratifying number of villages in Belize and Guatemala participated in the proceedings of the MRII. The clear accord between AdEP and the government representatives at the MRII was underscored by the latter’s approval of the community’s role in reserve management planning, a role that they suggested would be enhanced by university level training aimed at building local management capacity. Not only was AdEP an effective participant in the MRII, endorsing the drafted management plan, they relayed the results of the proceedings to the residents of surrounding communities. The development of the contiguous reserve was followed in 1999 by the endorsement of parallel management plans. The Protected Areas Technical Evaluation Committee El Pilar (PATEC-EP) was formed and held six meeting to finalize the draft management plan for El Pilar. The committee was made up of prominent policy makers including John Morris, Joseph Palacio, Elias Awe, Eugene Ariola, Rafael Manzanero, Eugenio Ah, Natalie Rosado, Evarista Avella, Paul Francisco, and Anselmo Castañeda. The group reaffirmed the importance of ensuring that local communities receive direct and long-term benefits from El Pilar, describing in the PATEC-EP notes that, “in order to promote the advantages that can be derived from El Pilar’s location, an alliance has been formed between the Amigos de El Pilar and the site, the El Pilar Program, and internationally.” The PATEC committee finalized and endorsed the innovative management plan, the first of its kind for the DoA, serving as an example for the management plans for archaeology yet to be developed in the region. Of special note for this year is the collective report on the community and management processes of the El Pilar Program. Two reports were prepared to emphasize two unsung components of the archaeological research and development at El Pilar. Each year, an archaeological research report has been prepared by the BRASS/El Pilar program, and within this report the related community and site developments have been outlined. Never before had the community participatory component not the management planning process been reported on individually. This ten-year review was prepared to rectify this omission in the record of El Pilar. Evoking the support of our creative partnership, Dr. Joseph Palacio collaborated with the Amigos de El Pilar as well and the El Pilar Program to make a public presentation of the two reports on parallel activities of ten years of achievements. Documentation for the reports began with the files of the participating organizations: BRASS/El Pilar, Help for Progress, Canan Kaax, Amigos de El Pilar, PATEC-El Pilar, Department of Archaeology, Mesoamerican Biological Corridors, and University of West Indies. Materials were itemized and listed by year, information was draw together, and a comprehensive spreadsheet was created. The spreadsheet provided a documentation basis for the activities and meetings that have built the creative partnership for El Pilar. With this temporal scheme, two reports were assembled. These two reports represent a small effort to highlight the sacrifices and heroic actions many have taken to make the vision for El Pilar transform into a reality. The original drafts were prepared by the BRASS/El Pilar Program and reviewed with the help of Elias Awe (Help for Progress), Anselmo Castañeda (Mesoamerican Biological Corridors), and Joseph Palacio (U West Indies). We know there will be more that could have been included, yet as a first step in documenting the remarkable aspect of the El Pilar Program, we are pleased with the results. Two reports were assembled as Adaptive Management in the Maya Forest and Community and Nature at El Pilar and were graciously printed by BRC in record time for the presentation at the Amigos de El Pilar center of Be Pukte (see Appendix II). Our presentation event celebrating ten years of achievement at El Pilar represents the exceptional collaborative qualities of the El Pilar model. With mutual support and encouragement, the team depends on a balance of government protection, national development, scientific research, and, importantly, community participation. The Amigos de El Pilar hosted the event, creating the pageantry out of the forest garden. All the décor were of the flora of the forest garden at the Masewal of the village and Tzunu’un of El Pilar. The assembly was convened by Elias Awe of Help for Progress and sequenced by Dr. Joseph Palacio. Each speaker took time to share their goals within the partnership and expressed their concerns in languages of the Maya forest ~ English, Spanish, Creole, and Mayan. Each gift was made with the promotion of conservation and development at El Pilar. The village cooks lovingly prepared the traditional foods that were part of the reception that followed the presentations. And all was brought to fruition within an orchestrated collaborative manner. Over the decades, the strategies of the El Pilar Program have evolved and the goals have been refined, as each component of the partnership has taken on more of their responsibilities. When one component shies from the forces, another grows stronger, during a period of discouragement; the gap is closed from another side. These are only the challenges of the first ten-years of our model building. So, even with the shifts and changes, the target objectives remain constant: to create an innovative model for conservation of the Maya forest. Heroes of the Maya forest ~ A Community CommitmentAround El Pilar, communities have shown that they play an important role as guardians of the forest. Key member of the Amigos de El Pilar were initially users of the area now designated as the reserve. For example, when a group of displaced farmers threatened to burn land in the reserve in 1996, AdEP gathered the signatures of over 100 community members who sought the protection of El Pilar. AdEP then went to Belmopan to meet with government leaders and vent their concerns. Through this effort, and the subsequent action of the DoA, the government acted with AdEP to stop the destruction of the reserve. In this case, the community acted as a government advocate to ensure that national regulations be enforced at El Pilar. Yet the AdEP commitment goes much deeper. Carmen and Betty Cruz as well as Heriberto Cocom each had personal investments at El Pilar. The Cruz had a small home at the site, now maintained for the overflow support of the caretaking at El Pilar as well as for the Intermittent participation of groups, like Raleigh, who work short term on site. Cocom’s place is marked by his care of an ancient Maya aguada and his careful planting of economically important trees. These are now gifts to the reserve and part of the rich heritage of El Pilar. These families, as well as others, are heroes who gave up their personal stake to support the protection of El Pilar. Efforts this year were similarly launched when it was recognized that trees at El Pilar, assets of the people of Belize, were being cut for timber that would benefit only a few. AdEP and supporters of their concerns collected hundreds of signatures and sent them to the Prime Minister ‘s office. They asked for strong protection of El Pilar, demonstrating a single mind on this topic. And it was the heroes of AdEP who sought to report transgressions in the course of 2002 first to Forestry and then to the DoA when trees were downed without concern for the protection of the heritage values at El Pilar. Further, they accumulated many signatures in support of protecting El Pilar that they forward to their government. These are strong representations of collaboration and faith in their partnership with the government. Our work at El Pilar over the past years has followed the premise that the community participation in the conservation of El Pilar is essential to the conservation of the resources of the region and in the development of the rural sector (Appendix II). We have included leaders in traditional cultivation as integral members of the forest garden projects at El Pilar, and worked to build their following locally and regionally. Education programs in the community attempt to draw upon their wisdom. These have provided the staple to compile the pamphlets and books that promote their knowledge of the areas. In addition, we have incorporated youth into our team, teaching them the survey methods and the maintenance strategies we have supported at the site. Also, we work closely with Amigos de El Pilar in their program developments, in particular the fiesta el Pilar. The 2002 season is no exception. Our concentration this season was primarily on the maintenance program at the site and the development of didactics for the site (Appendix III). We also were able to expand our residential excavation with the collaboration with Grinnell College, a five-year program (2002-2006) to develop a deeper understanding of the nature and culture of El Pilar for the education and interpretation at the reserve. Continuing
Investigations ~ Excavations
at Chiik Na
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Chiik Nah was originally
located during the 1984 survey of a 250 meter by 10 km transect between
the center of El Pilar and the Belize River (Figure 1). At that time
the mound was designated as 272 (the transect number)-32 (the site number).
We have christened it Chiik Nah, a Maya phrase meaning “house of the Coati”
in honor of an abandoned pet that was befriended by the El Pilar site
guards and frequented the excavation area during the early part of the
excavation season until it mysteriously disappeared. The mound at Chiik
Nah is about 0.5 meters high and about 5.5 meters in diameter. Test trenches were dug by teams of two to three people using trowels and hand picks. Hand picks were necessary due to the very hard clay loam that was encountered during excavation. Test trenches were dug down to bedrock according to natural strata, which were further subdivided into 10 cm arbitrary levels. Chert and obsidian stone tools, chert cores, and large potsherds found in situ were point provenienced using an EDM. Levels and architectural features such as floors were also mapped using the EDM. All features, levels and point-provenienced artifacts were further recorded on sketch maps. Fill was screened using 1/4-inch mesh, but due to slow and careful digging more artifacts were found in situ than in the screen. In addition, a soil sample from TT1 was water screened. Only a few small flakes were found, indicating that our standard 1/4 inch screening was sufficient, and it was extremely difficult to process the clay fill through a fine screen, so no further water screening was done. Samples of soil and plaster from cultural surfaces found in TT2, TT3 and TT4 were collected for pollen testing. Site 272-32 was used as an agricultural field, within the last 10 years. Charcoal from burning the field burning was still evident, but was not collected. No charcoal was found in undisturbed contexts. One simple bucket-and-sieve flotation was performed on a sample of fill from TT4. There were many fresh rootlets, but no useful carbonized plant remains. Bone and other organic material was apparently not preserved in the mound. Only lithics and potsherds survived both the burning and the humid tropical environment. Many of the lithics collected showed evidence of burning such as spalling and heat fracture. Also, some of the wear on the lithics may have come from historic disturbance rather than prehistoric use. The potsherds collected did not appear damaged by burning, but were heavily corroded and soft. The heavily corroded appearance may have been caused by the dissolution of limestone temper. The basic soil conditions resulted in a thick patina on the lithics and may have affected the preservation of other artifacts as well. Stratigraphy and Temporal SequenceTest Trenches 1 and 2 were located to investigate surfaces around the mound, while 3 and 4 were situated to explore the contents of the mound. No surfaces were identified in TT1, but an irregular cobble surface was found in TT2, and TTs 3 and 4 each exposed a plaster floor. Unfortunately, the relationship between the floor surfaces in each trench is not clear, and we did not have time to excavate the areas between the trenches in hopes of clarification. Test Trenches 1 and 2: Test Trench 1, located northeast of the mound, contained few artifacts, only 174 sherds and 374 lithics, including both tools and debitage. Under the upper few centimeters of humus, the soil became increasingly clayey and hard, with many roots and small limestone rocks. The sterile substrate, composed of decaying limestone, began about 30 cm from the surface. Test Trench 2 was 5 m southwest of the south edge of the mound. The basic profile was very similar to that in Test Trench 1. Artifact density was even sparse, with only sherds and 191 lithics. The decaying limestone bedrock began at about the same depth as in TT1; however, in the northern half and more patchily over the rest of the test trench, lying directly on the sterile substrate, was a discontinuous expanse of tightly packed potato sized limestone lumps. This surface was unplastered, but appeared to have been prepared. Test Trench 3: Test Trench 3 (Figures 4 and 5) was on the south edge of the mound. Beneath the entire excavation was the same sterile subsoil (104): decaying yellow limestone with clay, which after about 10-15 cm gives way to more solid soft limestone. Outside the mound area, the fill above sterile 104 is yellowish clay loam with rocks, becoming rockier and darker higher up. Stratum 113 was excavated as this fill south of the floor 110/114, with Stratum 108 as gravelly fill over most of the unit and over the floor area, and 107 as darker fill around the apparent edge of the mound before the floor was exposed. Stratum 107 is equivalent to 106, 105, and 102 in the northern part of the TT, over the mound, and no visible distinction can be made. Under the mound area in the northern part of the test trench, a layer of tightly packed limestone cobbles and lumps in clay (114) were laid directly on the sterile 104, which may have been artificially flattened first. This 114 apparently served as a substrate for a plaster floor (110), which was about 2-4 cm thick, with a well smoothed, level surface. It survived over the NW 1/3 of the test trench, and although there was no apparent border of larger rocks, the arc of the edge is close to what might be expected from the surface appearance of the mound, and we believe it is the edge as constructed. Above the floor was the gravelly fill 108, which appeared continuous with material outside the boundary of the mound. Above this were fill units designated 106, 105 and 102, which in retrospect seem largely undistinguishable, except that they become increasingly dark and humic nearer the surface. Stratum 101 was the mound surface. Test Trench 4: Test Trench 4 (Figures 4 and 6) was fully within the apparent bounds of the mound, but the floor surface we encountered was only in the SW 1/3 of the trench. As in Test Trench 3, the sterile 104 was remarkably flat, possibly artificially flattened. In the SW corner, a rocky clay fill (119) lay directly on this. It was thicker, looser, and much less organized or packed than the possibly equivalent 114 under floor 110 in TT3. In the extreme corner, there was a substantial pocket of completely loose rock, with very little clay matrix. We designated it Stratum 116, but eventually felt that it represented an area of root or burrow disturbance of 119. Above 119 was a plaster surface, or rather two. Stratum 115 was a poorly surfaced yellow plaster some 4 cm thick. In the corner, some 25 cm of Stratum 119 intervened between plaster 115 and sterile 104, but the 115 plaster formed a sloping arc, poorly preserved, that came down to the sterile 104 in the middle of the test trench. Plaster remnants rested directly on sterile 104 or with no more than a cm or two of clay intervening. Unfortunately, the plaster was only traceable in patches, never with good surfaces. While cleaning the south profile, we cut a strip 10 cm wide about 5 cm deep into the 104, and exposed a dark round stain 10 cm in diameter right against the profile, and just outside the arc of plaster 115. Excavating the stain carefully with fingers (fill was wet clay), recovered no artifacts, but produced a cone-shaped hole about 10 cm deep. The form and position suggest a posthole. Further scraping of the sterile 104 along the contact with plaster 115 failed to reveal any other similar features. Directly on top of 115 in the corner of the trench was 111, another plaster, 4 cm thick, much whiter than 115 and with a nicely smoothed, level surface. It appeared that small discontinuous bits of this plaster extended at the same level over the sloping part of 115, at least as seen in the profiles to the south and west. Our initial interpretation was that 111 represented a replastering of the 115 floor, either as repair, or a later occupation. Alternatively, 115 could be a substrate prepared for the finished floor 111, although it is not clear why 115 should slope down and 111 appears to continue more horizontally. Possibly at the edges of the floor we are seeing a surface marked by plaster bits from both plasters, and the sloping 115 also is eroded remnants of both, either forming a sloping edge as constructed, or slumped and eroded. We designated the fill over floor 111 as Stratum 109. Above 109 some fill was designated 108, essentially equivalent to that in TT3, but later we felt that we had been saw a transition between 109 and 106, the upper fill of the mound, which was distinctively humic and rocky, darker and looser than fill below. Stratum 106 was recognized over the whole trench, and the very top fill over the whole unit was 102 or 105, but there is no real distinction among them. Outside the area marked by the extent of plaster 115, the fill over sterile 104 was labeled 117, and is essentially similar to 113 in TT3. Above that we recognized 112, but this now appears arbitrary, and 112 and 109 are essentially continuous. Stratigraphic Interpretation of the MoundThe big unanswered question is the relationship between the floors in TT3 and TT4. The top of the 110 floor in TT3 is only about 10 cm below the top of the plaster 115 in TT4, and 14 cm below the plaster of 111. However, the plaster of 110 is white like the plaster of 111, not the yellower plaster of 115, and although the absolute difference in elevation is not great, the surfaces of both 110 and 111 were flat over the extent observed, making it unlikely that there is a slope concealed in the balk. Additionally, the cobble substrate 114 under 110 is thinner and much more organized than the 119 fill under 115, and the edge of floor in TT3 shows none of the slope of 115 in TT4. Presumably this means that somewhere in the balk, one floor must cut the other, or form a continuous surface. The fact that in both test trenches the apparent floor edges form rather tight arcs, suggests that several small floors might be incorporated into one smallish mound. In any case the mound began as a floor or floors built on a clean sterile surface, and covered by a build-up of clay loam and limestone rock, with midden debris as well. The material over the floors presumably derives from wall structures; they could have been stone and clay in a wooden crib framework. The refuse component is fairly sparse; most of the sherds are small and isolated. The lithic material suggests that debitage and tools were incorporated in fill or structures rather than produced on the spot. There is little small debitage, and nothing to suggest that any of the artifacts are in situ on an interpretable living surface Ceramic AnalysisMethods of Analysis All potsherds larger in diameter than a quarter were collected and washed. In the lab, potsherds were initially sorted by presence or absence of ash temper. Ash tempered and non-ash tempered sherds were further sorted according to the vessel part represented: rim, neck, body, base or foot. Body sherds with decorations or waxy slip were separated into their own category. The number and weight of sherds in each category were recorded for every excavation level. The next stage of analysis focused on potentially diagnostic sherds. These sherds included rims, necks, decorated and waxy body sherds, bases, flanges and feet. All rim sherds and other diagnostic sherds were assigned a unique number and information was recorded on the following characteristics:
2. Slip: Presence of slip on the exterior, interior, or both exterior and interior.
5. Vessel Form: Jar, bowl, plate, vase, or indeterminate.
7. Period: Sherds were classified according to time period (i.e. Early Classic, Late Classic, etc.), based on BRASS type collections and spot checks by Anabel Ford. In general the sherds recovered at Chiik Nah were small and in poor condition. What were initially seen as good-sized sherds in the ground often broke into tiny fragments, even when excavated with a brush, or threatened to dissolve during washing. Because of the limited scope of excavations and poor preservation of sherds at the site there were few potentially diagnostic sherds. A total of 264 potentially diagnostic fragments, primarily rims, were examined, but less than half of these were assigned a temporal designation. Preliminary analyses of the sherds revealed occupation in the area from the Late Pre-Classic through Late Classic. Heaviest occupation appears to have been during the Early and Late Classic. The Terminal Classic sherd was encountered on the surface and is the traditional pie-crust jar found throughout the central Maya region. PERIOD AS DETERMINED BY CERAMICS
The distribution of paste types correlates well with what might be expected. Thus, the ash temper characteristically found in Late Classic contexts is fairly abundant, while Mars Orange is present, but rare. The following are the data: CERAMIC PASTES
The ceramic distributions must be viewed in the context of the formation processes that have occurred at Chiik Nah. There were no truly sealed proveniences excavated. The floor levels tended to be discontinuous, broken by roots, animal burrows, and the collapse of the floor surface that occurred after abandonment. Again, because of the very small size of many of even the best sherds, it was not possible to securely identify a vessel form for many of the ceramics. The vessels found at Chiik Nah are primarily bowls and jars (see below); plates occur, but are quite rare. This type of ceramic distribution is typical for a non-elite domestic context: VESSEL FORM
The Overall picture of the ceramic assemblage fits with the nature of the site: domestic vessels with generalized purposes. The occupation is focused in the Classic Period, with increasing proportions over time from the Preclassic. It is interesting that there is a strong presence of Early Classic, something that is scarce in the non-central areas of the region. The location of Chiik Nah within the city settlement conforms to the interpretations of increasing centralization at that time. Occupation in the late Classic is consistent with the interpretation of increased land use during the height of the Maya civilization. Lithic AnalysisMethods of Analysis Lithic debitage was washed in the field and then sorted into flakes and shatter. These two categories were weighed and counted, at which point the shatter was discarded. The shatter category is hard to compare to normal archaeological use of the term, as it included not only the usual angular fragments from tool manufacture, but also angular fragments resulting from extensive heat fracturing of chert tools and unworked nodules. Flakes and identified tools were cataloged, boxed, and shipped back to Grinnell for further analysis. In Grinnell, debitage was sorted by size, presence of cortex, evidence of burning, and type of flake (hard hammer flake, biface thinning flake, or indeterminate). Thick flakes with large bulbs of percussion and large flat platforms were viewed as the result of hard hammer percussion. Thin flakes with diffuse bulbs of percussion, lipped platforms, and multiple flakes scars on the exterior surface were classified as biface thinning flakes. Thin or medium flakes with missing platforms and/or lacking other recognizable indicators were classified as indeterminate. A large number of flakes with irregular damage on the edges were recognized in the debitage. They could not be considered formal tools, and in the rocky and trampled context of the mound we felt that we could not distinguish between accidental damage and possible use wear without microscopic inspection. Even excluding such flakes, our assemblage contained a surprisingly high number of tools. For comparison, we also examined samples of lithic assemblages from two other sites, the LDF Chert Site in the center of El Pilar and 272-136, the Latón residential complex some 4.5 km to the south. Local chalcedonic chert was used as for the vast majority of tools at El Pilar. This chalcedony ranges from a translucent brown, to grey, to a sort of purplish color, but patinates to a thick opaque white. The material from Chiik Nah was so heavily weathered that it was difficult to recognize as chalcedony, as unbroken pieces appeared at first to be some sort of white chert. Despite reports to the contrary, a lot of this chalcedony is quite high-grade knapping material and seemed to be quite adequate for both household needs at Chiik Nah (272-32) and biface production at the LDF Chert Site of El Pilar (272-005). Debitage To sample the debitage of Chiik Nah, we carefully examined the debitage from Test Trenches 3 and 4. The debitage analysis included 681 pieces (9547 gm) of shatter and 1471 flakes (13115 gm), a 1:2 ratio. The following table shows the distribution of flake types by size categories for a total of 1149 flakes from Test Trenches 3 and 4:
Most of the material came from fill above the floors, and there is no obvious reason to subdivide the assemblage temporally. Most of the material derives from deposits above the floors, both because there was much more fill there, and because artifacts in general were sparse under the floors. About 15% of the 240 tools showed signs of burning, and about 23% of the flake assemblage. Almost 75% of the burned tools were from the upper fill on the mound, which also had a higher percentage of burning (21%) than other groups of strata both lower, and off the mound. This suggests to us that much of the burning is from the action of field fires on exposed mound material; however, it could also be argued that the architectural fill used on the mound suffered more prehistoric burning than surrounding materials. The assemblage is dominated by simple core flaking, with only about 14% of the flakes appearing to result from biface manufacture. Most of the flakes are of a size to be usable as tools; there are relatively few small flakes and even fewer really large ones, which along with the scarcity of cores, suggests that little knapping was done on site. The contrast with the LDF Chert Site, where most of the assemblage was recognizably biface thinning flakes and small flakes and fragments were common, is striking. Tools Tools from all the excavated units are included in the analysis, although most came from Test Trenches 3 and 4 (see Figure 7 for a map of the locations of tools with point proveniences). Information recorded for tools included type, weight, dimensions, blank form, and presence or absence of burning. Burning was identified by the presence of heat spalls, pot-lid fractures, crazing, and discoloration. The following blank forms upon which tools were made were distinguished: Hard hammer flakes, Biface thinning flakes, Indeterminate flakes, Blades, Macroblades, and Other. The “other” classification was usually used for tools made directly from nodules or fragments of nodules. In one case a tool was made on a piece of a broken axe and the classification “axe” was used for its blank form.
5. Multiple Tool: These are tools possessing several small irregular used edges.
Frequency of Tool Types (Chert unless noted)
Summary of Excavation Results The Chiik Nah residential type at El Pilar represents a common residential unit in the local area. This small mound was the collapse of a sequence of constructions of domestic character. None of the constructions of Chiik Nah would have been large enough to shelter more than a small family, and the collections suggest that it served general purposes. The previously excavated domestic structures in the BRASS area exhibit considerable variability in the details of construction from consolidated cobble foundations to major faced limestone buildings. Chiik Nah appears to be well within the range of extant variation with raised foundations, floor ballast fill, and plaster surfaces. The artifacts are all of a type that might be expected of a household; generalized in strategies of use more common at the lower end of the economic spectrum, despite the mound’s close proximity to the El Pilar ceremonial core. This phenomenon of economic integration has been noted elsewhere at El Pilar and in the Maya area as well. At this point, it is difficult to specify the economic strategy of occupations at Chiik Nah. The generic quality of the assemblage suggests ordinary series of activities. Tools found at the site do not point to any specialized craft activities. Some were undoubtedly used for basic domestic activities, while others probably served as agricultural implements. The soils at Chiik Nah are clayey, hard to work, and not especially optimal for agriculture. On the other hand, they are not unsuitable either, as suggested by the recent evidence of maize agriculture in the area. The occupation concentrates in the Classic Period, with little evidence of earlier and later occupation. Little doubt, the growth of El Pilar in the vicinity influenced occupation in this zone. The survey map shows several other small mounds in the vicinity. Nearby sites in more productive soil areas evidence higher settlement density and larger residential units. This is suggestive of a pattern of land use where the best soils are occupied before other areas. Such a pattern is consistent with regional patterns of the availability of well-drained ridges and settlement density between Northern Belize and the central Petén. Further, the pattern of occupation between Chiik Nah and Tzunu’un mirrors the pattern of land use expansion and contraction noted for the Belize River area in the surveys where the areas of clayey soil dominant in the marl based foothills were last occupied in the late Preclassic and were the first abandoned in the Terminal Classic. It may be the pattern of occupational preference is a cross-scale pattern. This will need to be tested. Chiik Nah is a single-structure unit is close to the center of the site, as are the other units in its vicinity. While the other units are unexcavated, it is not known whether they were contemporaneous to Chiik Nah, but given the BRASS survey data where 98% of the residential units had Late Classic occupation, we can assume that most had some degree of contemporaneity at least for that time period. Another possibilit | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||